Strannik Posted August 12, 2023 Posted August 12, 2023 History, analysis and musings of Russia after USSR dissolution.
Strannik Posted August 12, 2023 Author Posted August 12, 2023 (edited) Navalny in his latest open letter finally confesses that Russian founders of "democracy and liberalism" that stood at the dawn of the new Russia together with Yeltsin's admin built the foundation of the current system and are wholly responsible for Putinism. Took him awile. I still can't figure out if he is a desperate avanturist (power addict) politician who changes tracks as he see fits or a true idealist who is not so bright (while admittedly brave). https://navalny.com/p/6652/ Edited August 12, 2023 by Strannik
Strannik Posted August 12, 2023 Author Posted August 12, 2023 Solzhenitsyn mythology in the US is really just a testament to incredibly successful western propaganda, general Americal simplemindedness and intellectual laziness. Same as with Navalny now.
urbanoid Posted August 16, 2023 Posted August 16, 2023 On 8/12/2023 at 10:28 PM, Strannik said: Solzhenitsyn mythology in the US is really just a testament to incredibly successful western propaganda, general Americal simplemindedness and intellectual laziness. Same as with Navalny now. Or maybe anyone opposing communism was 'good enough' to be promoted and, well, mythicized? It's not like he has ever concealed what he thought of the Western civilization in general and the Americans in particular. His criticism wasn't just aimed at Western leftists/liberals, it included the conservatives too, including the anti-communist cold warriors. Later he was similarly disillusioned with post-Soviet Russia and was pissing people off by being preachy on TV, enough that his show was discontinued.
Stuart Galbraith Posted August 16, 2023 Posted August 16, 2023 In the Kingdom of the blind, the one eyed man is king. Similarly its not that Navalny is any good, just far better than anyone else in Russia's driving seat.
urbanoid Posted August 16, 2023 Posted August 16, 2023 Not necessarily, if Russia got rid of the corruption weakening it while still remaining expansionist and 'imperial', it would have been a far greater challenge. Basically still an enemy, but a richer and more competent one.
Strannik Posted August 16, 2023 Author Posted August 16, 2023 (edited) 19 minutes ago, urbanoid said: Or maybe anyone opposing communism was 'good enough' to be promoted and, well, mythicized? Like I said "free press" propaganda. On the plus side majority of Russians received a good inoculation for that bs. Edited August 16, 2023 by Strannik
Stargrunt6 Posted August 19, 2023 Posted August 19, 2023 On 8/12/2023 at 3:28 PM, Strannik said: Solzhenitsyn mythology in the US is really just a testament to incredibly successful western propaganda, general Americal simplemindedness and intellectual laziness. Same as with Navalny now. That would explain is spicy takes on Jewish people.
sunday Posted August 19, 2023 Posted August 19, 2023 10 minutes ago, Stargrunt6 said: That would explain is spicy takes on Jewish people. Like these? Quote In Two Hundred Years Together, Solzhenitsyn emphatically denies (in Chapters 9 and 14) that the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 were the result of a "Jewish conspiracy" (just as he had earlier forcefully criticized the extreme nationalists who were and are obsessed with Freemasons and Jews—see, e.g., Russia in Collapse, Chapter 25, “The Maladies of Russian Nationalism”). Two Hundred Years Together was first published in Russian in 2001–02, and several times since. The definitive Russian edition is published by Vremya (Moscow, 2015), as volumes 26 & 27 of their ongoing 30-volume collected works of Solzhenitsyn. https://www.solzhenitsyncenter.org/his-writings/large-works-and-novels/two-hundred-years-together
Stargrunt6 Posted August 20, 2023 Posted August 20, 2023 On 8/19/2023 at 11:42 AM, sunday said: Like these? https://www.solzhenitsyncenter.org/his-writings/large-works-and-novels/two-hundred-years-together I'm glad to be corrected. I hate antisemitic conspiracy theories. Why weren't any party chairs Jewish? Why wasn't their love for the Israelis during the Cold War? There's a dumb one that pronography was by the Jews. I never knew Hefner and Flynt celebrated Hannukah . . .
sunday Posted August 20, 2023 Posted August 20, 2023 13 minutes ago, Stargrunt6 said: I'm glad to be corrected. I hate antisemitic conspiracy theories. Why weren't any party chairs Jewish? Why wasn't their love for the Israelis during the Cold War? There's a dumb one that pronography was by the Jews. I never knew Hefner and Flynt celebrated Hannukah . . . https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi_book_burnings#The_burnings_start
Strannik Posted September 15, 2023 Author Posted September 15, 2023 Putin Is Betting On a New Class of Asset Owners to Shore Up His Regime In the absence of foreign investors, lucrative assets in Russia can be given for safekeeping to anyone who is “one of us.” Those people will owe their wealth to Putin personally, making them directly dependent on the Kremlin to preserve that wealth. Russia’s elites are unhappy about many things, not least President Vladimir Putin’s decision to unleash a disastrous war against neighboring Ukraine and the sanctions that ensued. Yet this frustration—evident in off-the-record conversations with journalists, leaked telephone calls, and even the televised comments of the staunch propagandist Margarita Simonyan—is not being converted into any kind of action, such as a plot against Putin. Even as the elites grumble, they continue to show loyalty to their boss. Loyalty is what Putin values above all else—but it’s no longer enough. Having apparently lost faith in the old elites, Putin is forming a new class of proprietors in Russia, doling out the assets of Western companies and Russian entrepreneurs among them. These people will be indebted to Putinism for their position and their fortune, and it will therefore be in their interests to preserve the regime. Putin’s unique selling point for the oligarchs when he came to power was his willingness to accept the outcome of the controversial wave of privatization in the 1990s. The guarantee given for his first presidential term was that all the riches amassed before his presidency could be kept by their owners, and this has never changed. This pact is the foundation of Russian capitalists’ loyalty, and personal devotion to Putin is handsomely rewarded with extremely lucrative state contracts or control of entire economic sectors. The Putin regime also hinges on loyal businessmen and the professional technocrats managing the economy. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last February, the technocrats managed to protect the Russian financial system not only from the pressure brought by Western sanctions, but also from that of the country’s wealthiest tycoons, who were desperately trying to get their money out of Russia. Even so, Russia hemorrhaged a record $243 billion in 2022. Transactions made by private individuals accounted for $47 billion of that: a fifth of the total amount. This outflow of capital is essentially the only form of protest against the war that the Russian elite has adopted. Sanctions have kindled ressentiment and a feeling of injustice against the West among Russia’s elites. Meanwhile, a spate of mysterious deaths within Russia’s oil industry, have served to boost fears of and submission to the Putin regime. The lack of any real prospect of breaking free from the system has forced the elites to hunker down inside the country, abiding by the Kremlin’s message that only Russia can provide a safe haven. Any war means a reduction in resources, however, and that includes the political capital distributed by the president. Amid decreasing rents, Putin can’t live on loyalty alone. Should the regime undergo a systemic crisis (which, as the Wagner mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin’s brief mutiny back in June showed, is entirely possible), the devotion of the old elites to Putin and his regime is far from guaranteed. Accordingly, the system needs a new elite. Back in a January meeting between Putin and the prosecutor general, the return of state control over strategic enterprises was mentioned as being under way. By the summer, a long list of assets had already been requisitioned—including ones previously owned by people loyal to the Kremlin. The first candidates for nationalization and subsequent redistribution to new owners were the Russian assets of companies from countries declared “unfriendly” by the Kremlin. Under a law passed since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, foreign companies wishing to leave the Russian market have to sell their assets for half of their value, and also pay one-tenth of the sale proceeds to the state. But the process is constantly getting tougher, and any deal may be blocked by the Russian authorities. Heineken chose to cut its losses and sell off its vast business for one euro rather than try to find a way to salvage its investment. Ironically, all of these legal impediments have been introduced by the same officials who before the war were responsible for attracting foreign investors, and who had themselves worked in the private sector and at foreign companies before joining the state service. Putin’s nationalization decree made it legal for the state to appropriate foreign companies’ assets in response to similar measures taken by Western countries. The Russian operations of two foreign energy companies—Finland’s Fortum and Germany’s Uniper—are already under new management linked to Putin associate Igor Sechin, CEO of the Russian oil giant Rosneft. The assets of the French dairy giant Danone, meanwhile, were inherited by the nephew of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov, while Baltika, the Russian subsidiary of Denmark’s Carlsberg, went to Putin’s old friend Taimuraz Bolloyev. Previously, another businessman close to Kadyrov was given a factory in the destroyed Ukrainian city of Mariupol, as well as shares in OBI hypermarkets and Starbucks coffee shops. Russian officials in Crimea, which Moscow annexed from Ukraine back in 2014, have appropriated 700 real estate assets from Ukrainian oligarchs. Officially, the Russian authorities continue to insist that they welcome foreign investment. But foreign investors, regardless of where they are from, require predictable terms and conditions and guarantees that their rights of ownership will be upheld. The Kremlin can provide neither—and nor does it need to. Instead of foreign investors, it has “heroes of the special military operation,” young FSB officers and their associates, the many participants of the Leaders of Russia state management contest, the children of regional governors, and other managers. Anyone who is “one of us” can be given an asset or two for safekeeping, along with the chance to profit from it. Those people will owe their new position and wealth to Putin and his entourage, making them directly dependent on the Kremlin to preserve that new status and wealth. The calculation, therefore, is simple: when Putinism encounters a crisis, these new asset owners will come out to defend their property—and in doing so, save the regime. https://carnegieendowment.org/politika/90543
Stuart Galbraith Posted September 16, 2023 Posted September 16, 2023 Here is the Irony. The way Putin chose to rule Russia (Kleptocracy, corruption, insider dealing, murder) was entirely the opposite of what he needed to do to make Russia what he wanted Russia to be (Strong, powerful, independent, militarily capable). I guess Roman was right, Putin really was Pro Western.
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